TOWN AND COUNTRY
Agreement on the
Future
"BEFORE tackling the main subject,
I must briefly answer two direct questions in Comrade Turner's
article opposing mass production. Readers will be able to assess the
merits of the other points without further debate here.
First, he questions whether a single,
standardised process can relieve arduous toil. Remember, all I
maintain is that some mass production is preferable to achieving a
similar result by other methods. For example, except for special
purposes, I cannot imagine society abandoning the use of screw-making
machines —i.e,, mass-producing screws—and laboriously ~making
each one separately. My case is that socialist society is not going
to stop using such machines (assuming the end-product is still
required) just because some people might prefer to make things like
screws individually rather than use the hated standardised machine
processes.
Turner wants to hear from members about
the " differences" which will make mass-production. methods
attractive within socialism. The answer is they won't be particularly
attractive or repulsive for that matter. They may simply be
preferable to the alternatives. I agree there is no question of
socialism giving us repetitive jobs that require the use of only a
small part of our nervous system and brain capacity. Machines will be
used as a substitute for slave labour, performing monotonous tasks
and leaving people free to do essentially human work.
Abolishing the Cities
The masters of scientific socialism
advocated the abolition of town and country, asserts Comrade Turner.
But the actual quotations from Capital and Landmarks only include the
phrase " the separation between town and country"'. To
abolish the separation is not necessarily to abolish every
distinction between the two. When we say that socialism will abolish
the separation between men and women in the sphere of work, we do not
mean that
men and women will be abolished.
In order to get Engels' quotation in
perspective
, one should read the preceding
paragraphs.
The large cities which " will take
much time
and trouble to abolish " are the
factory towns.
Engels doesn't refer to socialism, but
writes of
“the proportionate distribution of
the greater
-industry throughout the country ".
Earlier, in
a letter to Lange, he had written:
“ We start from the premise
that the same
forces which have created modern
bourgeois
society also suffice to raise the
productive
power of each individual, so much that
he can
produce enough for the consumption of
2, 3, 4, or 5 individuals. Then town industry, as it
is today,, will be able to spare
people enough to give agriculture quite other forces than
it
has had up to now: science will
then at last
be applied in agriculture on a large
scale and with the same consistency as in industry.
Selected Correspondence p.199
And this process has, in fact, already
begun. The town has spread into the country—satellite towns are
being developed and farms mechanised. True, the increase in
productivity is to some extent offset by the more " roundabout "
mass-production methods. On the other hand, the growth of
universality, being brought about by the world-wide nature of
capitalism, means that the gap between the city slicker and the
country yokel is narrowing, despite the excessive localisation of
production for a market. With socialism, it may still be convenient
to localise certain production (e.g., of minerals), and to gather
together populations in towns—but nothing like the kind Engels
wanted to abolish.
Towns of the Future
Whether or not. William Morris and
Belfort Bax are numbered among the ' masters' of scientific
socialism, their ideas of the future are more reasonable than many,
and do, I think, provide a sound basis for discussion: _
" As to the manufacturing towns .
. . they would be superfluous, while on the other hand there would be
no great centres of government or finance to attract huge populations
or to keep them together. In the future, therefore, towns and cities
will be built and inhabited simply as convenient and pleasurable
systems of dwelling-houses, which would include, of course, all
desirable public buildings."— —" Socialism—Its Growth
and Outcome ", p. 314.
But whatever our particular concept of
the towns or communities of the future, we must always keep in mind
the significance that such speculation has for our propaganda. For,
regardless of our personal preferences, the way in which we answer
the question " what will sodalism be like?" will largely
determine whether our audiences are made to feel with us, apart from
us, or even against us.
Significance for Propaganda
Our main object is to get the people we
address to agree that the things we propose are practicable and
desirable. We all have different ideas about what the future society
will look like, which we can discuss endlessly and to which we can
convert each other. But remember that all this is sterile unless
something emerges that will convince others, that will heb them to
understand the principles upon which socialist society must be built.
We are accustomed to saying that we
know the past, and indeed much undoubtedly accurate information about
it is available. But the n:cture we piece together is not of what
really took place—it is our picture of the past,
coloured by our present experiences.
Much
more so is the future, of which we have
no
concrete data, necessarily our picture
of the
future.
The use of the scientific method
demands that we ascend from the particular to the general. But with
the future this is not possible—there is no ' particular' to ascend
from. We are accordingly obliged to describe the future by agreeing
upon generalities; seeing, as through a fog, the vague outlines of
the new society, which become clearer as our audiences approach it in
ideas and we all approach it in time.
What do most people want from life?
Take away all the products of capitalist influence (difficult though
this may be) and you have a residue of human hopes, desires and fears
that is remarkably universal. Each of us, in becoming a socialist,
integrates these feelings with the formal socialist case—though
sometimes this process is painfully slow. Perhaps our propaganda has
not been as helpful as it could be. There is so much common ground
that we and our audiences share, so many ways to express and
appreciate our similarities, that it seems a pity to accentuate the
trifling differences.
Points of Agreement ?
Any summary of the ground covered in
dealing with the whole question of future production must be
inadequate, since its ramifications are so all-embracing. The
articles on mass-production may be taken in conjunction with the
extracts from "The New Vision" (Jan. Forum) and with the
article on Wealth Production in this issue. From these I tentatively
suggest that the following points will be acceptable to members:
1.There will be no belt-systems under
Socialism. Machines will be used to perform tedious and irksome
tasks, but not at the expense of making people into appendages of
machines.
2.The division of labour will be such
as to encourage the maximum all-round development of human
potentialities. (How this will be achieved is a more contentious
matter.)
:3. The separation between town and
country will be abolished—there will be no vast cities like London
to-day. Production will be to satisfy the requirements of individuals
and society in a mutually complementary way.
4. There will no longer be a separation
between work and leisure. Work will become the expression of living.
There is vast scope here for making
contact with people. Let our speakers and writers go at it—and put
some flesh and blood on that skeleton of production for use.
S.R.P.